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La trascrizione conta 11 risate del pubblico e 17 interruzioni per applausi. 6000 parole e più di mezz’ora di discorso. Il 10 febbraio Viktor Orban ha pronunciato l’annuale “discorso sullo stato della nazione”. Si tratta di un lungo encomio del primo ministro ungherese di tutto quello che di buono il suo governo avrebbe fatto, ma anche di un manifesto del pensiero orbaniano chiaro, netto, esplicito, che non nasconde intenzioni e nemici. E che neanche nasconde affinità e simpatie con quell'”internazionale populista” che sempre più si sta delineando da Washington ai Balcani quantomeno.
Me lo sono letto – in inglese – e ne ho tirato fuori questa sintesi che raccoglie molti spunti utili per capire un po’ meglio l’armamentario ideologico, politico e retorico di uno dei campioni del populismo europeo.
Ecco qui.
Well, Ladies and Gentlemen, this is something we certainly don’t have to worry about today: 2016 was far from boring, and 2017 also promises to be intriguing.
Vero, non ci siamo annoiati nel 2016.
“The nations have had their day”, they said, “off to the museum with them – together with those who believe in them”. For us simple citizens, our last remaining chance would be to accept all this and resign ourselves to it.
“Per noi semplici cittadini”…
But, Ladies and Gentlemen, History didn’t read what all those clever people wrote. It didn’t read that History itself is at an end, that its channel and direction of flow have been predetermined, and that it may only flow between well-built dike walls. History didn’t read all that: it simply had no idea that its time was over, that it was a spent force. Suddenly it raised its hand and said “Excuse me, but I’m still here, and I’d like to show you a few new, surprising things”.
La Storia riprende in mano le redini del proprio destino! E dice: «Scusate, sono ancora qui». Altro che finita, come hanno scritto gli “intelligentoni”. Ed è accaduto non solo in Ungheria ma in tutta Europa. L’afflato poetico del premier.
They.
È interessante annotare chi siano questi “they”, questi “loro”, ai quali Viktor Orban costantemente si riferisce. È il cardine fondamentale di ogni populismo a qualsiasi latitudine. “Noi” e “loro”, noi semplici cittadini e loro “intellettualoni”, “elite liberali”, e via dicendo in tutte le accezioni della retorica del popolo vs. tutti gli altri.
Money, the media, global governance and an open global society – in 2016 people in many places around the world had had enough of all this. There was Brexit, the US presidential election, the ejection of the Italian government, the Hungarian migrant referendum – and perhaps there is still more to come.
Quattro episodi decisi per la storia politica del 2016. Brexit, l’elezione di Trump, la caduta di Renzi e il referendum ungherese sui migranti, hanno avuto certamente un peso diverso. Ma siamo sicuri che questi 4 episodi abbiano tutti avuto lo stesso risultato? Perché pare piuttosto che qui Orban presenti come una sua vittoria quella che piuttosto è stata una sconfitta, ovvero il non aver superato il quorum nel referendum sui migranti.
Oh people, “you are finally beginning to be great”
Oh popolo.
Well, Ladies and Gentlemen, that is exactly what happened in 2016. There has been an uprising by those who are not usually asked, whose voices are not usually heard: those who are not at home in the world of the media; who have been pushed aside by the wheels of the global economy; the seemingly weak and vulnerable; those who have been forced into economic and cultural straightjackets; whose mouths have been gagged in the name of political correctness; who were promised a share of the profits of the global economy and global governance. They demanded the return of their homelands, of their economies and social opportunities. They demanded the return of the world in which they once felt at home: the wide and diverse world of nations. This is the message which flowed and is flowing from the American, French, Italian, Dutch and Austrian election campaigns: the attacking side is “exposed at the back”, as they say in football. European nations preparing for elections are speaking in such dark and apocalyptic terms that we Hungarians find it difficult to fathom. Yes, leaders in opposition and government alike – citizens of the world who until now have been urbane, nuanced and cultured – are today talking about their homelands’ survival, the horrors of globalism, the wave of fundamentalist migrants assaulting their national identities, and an endless digestive tract of financial capital that has swollen to global proportions.
Un passaggio lungo e significativo. Orban enumera chi fa parte del popolo che si sta sollevando contro le elite e molte figure le ritroviamo anche nei discorsi dei populisti italiani. L’esclusione è quello che tiene unito il “popolo” di Orban. E poi en passant ci sono i topos del populismo: l’avversione al politically correct e il migrante fondamentalista.
Ladies and Gentlemen, in 2016 the battle lines were thrown into sharp relief. The nations rose up against the globalists and the middle classes rose up against their leaders. In our community, the European Union, this means that we, the sovereign nations, stand in opposition to the federalists, and the voters stand in opposition to the Brussels bureaucrats.
Dopo una lunga analisi sullo stato e il futuro dell’Occidente, Orban torna al punto: nazioni e classe media si sono sollevati contro globalisti ed elite. E così le nazioni sovrane (vi era sfuggito “sovrane”?) si oppongono ai federalisti di Bruxelles.
Until now, we have been taught that mature Western democracies are of a higher quality than Central European democracies […] This may once have been true, when the European democracies were at their zenith. But since then the era of “open societies” has been established in the western half of Europe and across the Atlantic.
Ci avete sempre trattato come democrazie di serie b, e invece ora. Ma con chi ce l’ha Orban? Dice niente “Open Society” (e George Soros)?
Democracy based on argument was replaced by democracy based on correctness.
La democrazia della sostanza (e della maggioranza) purtroppo – dice Orban – oggi sarebbe stata sostituita da quella delle forme.
From an ideological perspective this means that liberal ideology turned against the ideology of democracy, the latter being the ideal of a community organised on a majority basis, according to the will of the majority.
Il nemico? Il liberalismo. La democrazia non è la democrazia liberale.
From a political perspective, the open society means that – instead of elected members of parliament and governments – true power, decisions and influence must be put in the hands of people who are part of the global network, media gurus, unelected international organisations and their local offices.
Una democrazia internazionale in mano a organizzazioni non elette. Ma si tratta di una buona rappresentazione della “società aperta” quella data da Orban in questo passaggio importante? Si può ridurre la democrazia liberale a questo? E, poi, sarebbe interessante chiedersi da quando questo appiattimento delle democrazie liberali su democrazie eterodirette viene fuori. Dieci anni fa mica era così.
From an economic perspective, the open society means that people, ethnic groups and cultures are stamped out to size like hamburgers, so that they can be turned into merchandise. Countries are transformed into railway stations, with everyone being able to move in and out freely. This is how the world’s most bizarre coalition of people smugglers, human rights activists and leading European politicians was created, with the aim of systematically bringing millions of migrants into Europe. [Applause]
Ecco la questione della perdita di identità nazionale per colpa dell’immigrazione, peraltro gestita da attivisti dei diritti umani e dai politici a Bruxelles.
They [the lords of globalist politics] have declared that if elections in a certain country are not won by their ideological partners, by the liberals, then in that country democracy no longer exists. They have declared that the people constitute a danger to democracy. And since the people are dangerous, those who earlier were hysterically fearful for press freedom are now suddenly demanding that the press, the media and the internet be subject to restrictions. If someone thinks that Hungary’s “royal” public television is not impartial and neutral enough, they should switch over to the American channels occasionally. It will be refreshing to switch back again
Vuoi mettere la tv ungherese rispetto a quella americana? Tra l’altro, qui Orban dimentica qualcun altro che non vuole limitare, ma limita già pesantemente i media in casa propria.
The government of the United States at the time, Brussels and even Berlin declared that the migrants must not – or at least cannot – be stopped.
Al di là del se sia sbagliato o giusto, ma davvero hanno dichiarato questo quei governi?
We resisted, we drew a line, built a fence, recruited border hunters and stopped them. We defended Hungary – and with it, incidentally, Europe. [Applause] And with the migrant referendum we barred others from deciding whom we should and shouldn’t allow into the country.
Orgoglioso del suo muro sul confine, Orban dimentica ancora che il referendum sui migranti che ha voluto non è passato.
We will of course be letting in genuine refugees: Germans, Dutch, French and Italians, terrified politicians and journalists, Christians who have been forced to leave their homes and who here in Hungary want to find the Europe they have lost in their homelands.
Battutona!
[Fate conto che qui ci sia un lungo pezzo in cui si tessono le lodi dell’Ungheria di Orban di fronte a chi vuol far entrare manodopera a basso prezzo]
I believe that there is indeed a correlation between a nation’s will to live, a people’s discovery of themselves and changes in demographic indices.
Fate figli!
We are on the verge of challenging God.
…
The issue of migration will also remain on the agenda. Despite the fact that illegal immigration raises an insoluble problem and the threat of terrorism, and despite the bloody reality and the terrible events seen throughout Europe, migrants can still move freely around Europe until their claims have been finally ruled on in the courts. The question for 2017 will be whether we should detain them and keep them in detention until there are final verdicts on their applications. And in 2017 we will also need to take up the struggle against international organisations’ increasingly strong activists. In addition, in 2018 there will be elections in several countries – including here at home. It is a problem that foreign funding is being secretly used to influence Hungarian politics.
Insomma, l’immigrazione è il vero problema e Orban ha un nemico principale. Avete capito chi è, no?
We must also recognise, Ladies and Gentlemen, that here there are large predators swimming in the water. This is the transnational empire of George Soros, with its international heavy artillery and huge sums of money.
What makes this worse is that, despite the Hungarian people declaring its will in the quota referendum, the organisations of George Soros are working tirelessly to bring hundreds of thousands of migrants into Europe. They are working to divert the Hungarian parliament and the Hungarian government from the path that has been determined by the people.
George Soros starebbe macchinando per importare centinaia di migranti in Europa. E per sovvertire le decisioni democratiche in Ungheria.
So we have returned to the starting point: nations against globalists, sovereigntists against federalists. If we want sure and solid answers, we must come to an agreement with the people. We must ask them and gain their support, as we have done on every important issue so far. It is not enough to state that we shall not allow these things. What is important is that the people of Hungary also shall not allow decisions affecting them to be made over their heads.
Il premier ungherese si avvia alla conclusione ribadendo il punto iniziale. “Padroni a casa nostra” è il filo rosso di tutto il discorso. No agli immigrati (che poi sono lo strumento di Soros per invaderci e inquinano pure l’identità ungherese, no a una democrazia globalista e inquinata da istituzioni non democratiche). Il popolo, il popolo, il popolo.
But taking offence isn’t the only thing we must avoid; we must also never become hesitant. The Hungarians have suffered enough from hesitant, helpless and plank-headed leaders, [Laughter, applause] from those who always explained to their audiences that circumstances were robbing us of our dreams, ruining our plans, tying our hands. Sándor Márai taught us that we don’t know the meaning of mediocrity. This is also the cast-iron rule for Hungary’s political leadership. The Hungarians can never be satisfied with mediocre leadership and a mediocre government.
Abbasso la mediocrità, contro i burocrati grigi, non dobbiamo esitare. Un’anima futurista esplode in conclusione del lungo discorso tanto che pare «giunta l’ora delle decisioni irrevocabili» [non lo dice, ma quasi quasi ndr].
Populismi 